Hong Kong has been seized by protests for seven months, and the movement shows few signs of slowing down. The city, once a British colony, was handed over to the People’s Republic of China in 1997. The terms of the agreement stated that Hong Kong would retain its own political and legal systems for 50 years-essentially functioning as a separate country, with its own border controls, but under the ultimate authority of Beijing. This “one country, two systems” approach was intended as a precursor to the hoped-for reabsorption of a democratic Taiwan, a perennial thorn in the side of the Chinese Communist Party.
There’s still plenty of time until 2047, when the city’s independence will disappear entirely. But Beijing’s shadow is already looming over Hong Kong, as locals fear the rapid erosion of their rights. One of those fears, a controversial extradition bill, was the initial trigger for this year’s unrest. The act, supposedly intended to allow the extradition of serious criminals to other countries, was widely seen as a backdoor way of targeting dissidents for deportation to the mainland. These fears were worsened by the repeated kidnapping of Hong Kong citizens, especially booksellers, who sold volumes that have been banned in the mainland by the Chinese security services.
The protests soon took on a wider aspect. Hong Kong is an unusual example of rights without democracy; although the city has a long-standing independent judiciary and well-established freedom of speech and protest, it has never had full democracy. The British set up a partial system before leaving, one maintained by the Chinese authorities. Under it, Hong Kongers have a limited ability to vote for their own local assembly, but the bulk of seats are controlled by what are known as “functional constituencies”-small groups of elites heavily under Beijing’s thumb.
The chief executive position is also chosen by a group of just 1,200 people and signed off on by Beijing. The current chief executive, Carrie Lam, has been an utter failure in her role, with her popularity numbers plummeting to record lows-but Chinese President Xi Jinping has kept her in office, and there’s no straightforward method for her removal. Behind all this, too, is a deeper crisis of identity. While a decade ago as many as 30 percent of Hong Kongers under age 30 identified as Chinese, that figure is now just 3.1 percent.
Although the extradition bill has now been formally withdrawn, protesters’ demands have broadened, now mostly focusing around police violence. The reputation of the Hong Kong Police Force, once termed “Asia’s finest,” has plummeted as their brutal response to initially peaceful protests left Hong Kongers deeply alienated. The five demands of protesters now focus on investigation of police brutality, pardons for those charged with rioting, and the introduction of full democracy into the city. This last is the greatest sticking point for Beijing, which has no desire to create more trouble for itself and is actively hostile to any polity, like Taiwan, that combines a Chinese inheritance and democracy.
Foreign Policy has been following the tumult since the start. Here are five pieces that sum up the city’s turbulent year.
The protests soon took on a wider aspect. Hong Kong is an unusual example of rights without democracy; although the city has a long-standing independent judiciary and well-established freedom of speech and protest, it has never had full democracy. The British set up a partial system before leaving, one maintained by the Chinese authorities. Under it, Hong Kongers have a limited ability to vote for their own local assembly, but the bulk of seats are controlled by what are known as “functional constituencies”-small groups of elites heavily under Beijing’s thumb.
The chief executive position is also chosen by a group of just 1,200 people and signed off on by Beijing. The current chief executive, Carrie Lam, has been an utter failure in her role, with her popularity numbers plummeting to record lows-but Chinese President Xi Jinping has kept her in office, and there’s no straightforward method for her removal. Behind all this, too, is a deeper crisis of identity. While a decade ago as many as 30 percent of Hong Kongers under age 30 identified as Chinese, that figure is now just 3.1 percent.
Although the extradition bill has now been formally withdrawn, protesters’ demands have broadened, now mostly focusing around police violence. The reputation of the Hong Kong Police Force, once termed “Asia’s finest,” has plummeted as their brutal response to initially peaceful protests left Hong Kongers deeply alienated. The five demands of protesters now focus on investigation of police brutality, pardons for those charged with rioting, and the introduction of full democracy into the city. This last is the greatest sticking point for Beijing, which has no desire to create more trouble for itself and is actively hostile to any polity, like Taiwan, that combines a Chinese inheritance and democracy.
Foreign Policy has been following the tumult since the start. Here are five pieces that sum up the city’s turbulent year.